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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Edirne in the s. KBltiirve Turizin CopyrightO No Part of thae pages,either text or image may be used for any purpose other thanpersonal use. All authors in the bookbearfull responsibilityfor the content of their papers. Ferclinand,Kingof Bulgaria, at an official visit to Con:.

In terms of its political context, the edirme is significantbecauseof the oliticalsituation of the Ottoman state with regard to the relationshipbetween P 2 thesultanand the bureaucracy and between the vakass and foreignpowersdue to longwarsand the ensuing great failure at the end of the century.

The economic situationof the city was also critical in terms of new arrangements in the tax system,such as the classification of cizye payments according to the amount of propertyof the taxpayers as edna lowerevsat middleand a’la highest 3 and thecreationof the malikane system within the iltizam system. YorkPress, ; 2nd edition in by Syracuse University Press. University of California Press, Kitabevi Yaymlan, 2oo 3.

Altho ugh Edirne was already a favorite. This historical evolution of the city was crowned when Mustafa II decided to reside permanently in Edirne in March after signing the treaty of Karlowitz with Russia in Istanbu l. However, this process failed due to the great rebellionof Augustwhich is known as the Edirne Vakas, Edirne Incident becauseof the central role the city would play in it. The most important consequences of the rebellion include the enthronement of a new sultan, Ahmed III, and the transfer of the court back to Istanbul.

First, we talk about the archival sources of the late seventeenth-century Edirne on which this study was based emphasizing both a newmethodology of using them and an approach to understand the city better. Thenin the second part, we discuss the outcomes of this approach making socio- spatialanalyses of Edirne. In otherwords, I was able to reveal how these attributes concentrate at the mahalle tneighborhood level and how Edirne’s mahalles differ in terms of these attributes.

Trabluspm Kar9 Oerya Kaptanh01 Figure 1: The Primary Sources The outcomes of this paper depend mainly on Ottoman primary sources. I scanned Edirne’s sharia court registers, approximately 85 of them, recorded between and but I realized that except for two,7 none of these defter’ included huccetsor i’lams,which are the best sources for dailyevents andtrials in the city.

Instead, all of them were inheritance records, i. The most significant primary sources of my project, on the other hand, arekefaletdefiers surety registers and detailed avanzhane surveys of Edirne in the Ottoman Prime Ministry ‘s Ottoman Archives? H and A. In the same period, there were 17 kzsmet-i askeridefiers: However, one passagefrom a contemporary chronicle gives the ‘formal’ reason for these surveys: The information here seems coherent with what I have found in the archival records at hand.

Salah-zhallen za h’r ol- uncate’dibolundu.

I want to thank here to Rifat Abou-el -HaJ for seo d ing edjrne manuscript to me. It might be useful to give further details regarding these defiers: The first one includes 65 niahalles located in the southern, eastern, and western parts of the city.

The second deft er include 58 mahalles located in the northern and edlrne Ottoman hi torians will likely already be familiar with the kefdlet urveyscarried out b craftsm en. However, it was not an ordinary practice for survey to be conducted for all ift. Therefore, there erirne not much information on the nature of thiskindofsur- vey in the literature. Bilgi Yaymevi,p. The third defter, some parts of which must have been lost, is only 4 pageslong and covers 5 mahalles located in the center of Edirne.


It contains 15 names, but these are not mentione d with the word ‘hane: Nevertheless, I assumethose names to have been hou sehold heads as well. In addition to these three kefalet defiers, I found in the Ottoman Archives twomorevery significant defiers date d and and focused on Edirne’s avarizhouseholds. These defiers also contain very detailed information onthe city’s inhabitants.

They cover mahalles, 12 Ediren congregations, 8, householdheads both Muslim and non-Muslimand 1, avanz households. Suggesting a New Approach and Methodology Thisstudy as mentioned uses avarzz household records and surety edigne as its primary historical sources which include huge quantitative and nominal data,similar to the tapu tahrir and temettuat surveys, about the Ottoman cities.

Letalone an author’s approach vakax the city and urban studies in general, these kindsof sources themselves require sophisticated ways of analyzing the data they include. This paper proposes here a new way of analyzing and interpreting the datarecorded in avanz and surety vqkas using advanced statistical methods, GISaswellas visualizing the results by means of tables and maps. I am suggesting here to engage to the relational approach, which is the main theoretical perspective adopted in my analyses, as well as to the hierarchicalclustering and correspondence analysis.

These novel theoretical andmethodological perspectives make it possible to illustrate the relationality of socio-spatialconfigurations in the city space, as applied to the Edirne data here. The relational perspective, developed by sociologists, particularly by Pierre Bourdieu, offers a dynamic analytical eddirne that helps define and classify the -: By means of these approac hes and methods, this papershedslighton urban organization and the social setting or context, which are verycrucialfor urban historians.

Making a Socio-Spatial Analysis in a Balkan City: Edirne in the s | Yunus Ugur –

These methods and the underlying relationalperspective allowed us to investigate hund reds of different social attributes status, gender,ethnicity etc. Edime was made up only of two secton. Map of Districts in Edirne, l s. Edirne in that period resembled to cities such as Bursa, Salonica, Sofia, and Izmirin terms of its demographic size and structure.

This group of cities including morethan twenty thousand population ranked second in terms of population size amongstthe cities in the Ottoman territory; the first group on the other hand was citiessuch as Istanbul, Cairo, and Damascus consisting of more than one hundred thomand people.

Edirne had a population ecirne around 25, people until the s. Thisfigure reached approximately 40, people in the l s. Yuzyilin Jkinci Yansrnda Istanbul. Turk Tarih Kurumu ,p. Ayntab had a tax: In other words,the city had 6, Muslim 4, Muslim men along with officials,1, Muslimwomen, 73 gypsy men, 15 gypsy womenZimmi Zimmi men, 38Armenianmen, nasraniye Christian womenand Jewish Jewish men, and 37 Jewishwomen family heads. Whereas inthere were about 9, 8, families in Edirne, including both Muslimsand non-Muslims Christians and Jewsand both house owners and renters in houses and rooms.

Map of Mahalles Neighborhoods in Edirne, and But in these three districts lost their status as the most populated areas although eirne had the highest number of mahalles. It seems both Muslim and non-Muslim populations moved geographically withinthe city. However, property ownership types changed in Yild1nm and Bayezid from the owner-occupiers to CO-ownershipsbetween andimplying overcrowding but loss of wealth.

Kamtl Kepect,B! Map of Household numbers in Edirne’s Mahalles, In some cases, physical units affected the direction of topographical development, in others, the topographical development affected the building of new physical units.

Thedifferent types of physical units that existed in Edirne, most of which had beenbuilt before the period under study can be seen in Figure 6. The period from l to the s in general and the fifteenth century in particular is the period whenthe city was totally re-constructed. The building activities after were mostlyrenovations of the great buildings and additions for the existing physical units in order to adapt to new developments in topography and demography. On the other han d, th ere was an apparent polarization in such that the civilelites or the old settled people edirme Edirne inhabited the old city peripheries1.


Therefore, the central regions were expandedbut socially degraded in in bakas with As for the ethno- religious composition of the mahalles,the records in the firstglance rdirne that some mahalles were mixed, others were dominated by onegroup, and a very limited number of the mahallesconsisted of only one group. According to the conventional methods, this is a clear counter-evidence to the argumentthat in the Ottoman Empire different religious groups millets lived separatelyfrom each other.

On the other hand, according to outcomes of the relational approach and its methods, we can find out a lot about residential patterns of each ethnic and religiousgroup rather than simply edlrne Muslim and non-Muslims. Nevertheless, Armenians tended to live in particular places especially in the periphery of the city but though they were also found everywherein ecirne city. This shows us the structural differentiationin the city see Figure 7. The tables and maps as outcomes of these methods also confirmed that theshort period between and witnessed some interesting intra-city movements of groups;in other words, a socio-spatial reorganization of the city see Figure8.

Greeks reproduced or preserved their concentrad. Ytldmm- their old settlement area Aina before the Ottomanconquestof.

Ottoman Empire 1647-1657

Ultlee due to religiouscausesaad discusSiaa. A similar pattern was present for Gypsies and the ‘unidentified’ eople most probab aIy th e smg own. In these groups were closer to eaCh other in the same mahalle cluster than in Muslims, on the other hand, inhabited all mahalles in the city; however, Greeks and Jews were under- representedin the mahalle clusters where the Muslims had distinctively high densities.

We did not make any assumption s in order to group these occupations m a specific way; just the data spoke for itself and provided us with these profiles. The argument here is that the conventional administrative or a priori categoriza evirne of occupations were classified differently 10 the city space because they re-assembled differently in the mahalle context.

Besides,the conventional methods help us analyze occupations one by one based on their proportions in a mahalle context while the vaka approachgoing beyond the common and simp le proportions, gives distinctive existence of one or more professions or mahalles in relation to other occupations and mahalles.

The socio-spatial distance between the periphery and the center in Edirne, on the other hand, is obvious. Transition zones between the center and periphery, specializations, and the unique localities complete the general socio -spatial structures of the city in terms of the occupational profiles see Figure 9. Thus, the topographical closeness and the socio-spatial structures could not overlap in the city space. This shows what we try to argue about the difference between a priori categorizations and socio-spatial assemblages.

We see four separate spatial-occupational zones in Edime: The central regions, which had specializations in room ownership and its management, the transition zones, the peripheries, and the unique mahalles.

On the other hand the hist. Va,as second capital m In vakqs, Edirne became an attractive destination after the l s for Istanbul’spolitical and social elites because of the aforementioned general political andeconomiccrises of the seventeenth century. Although it requires more detailed studiesto fully explain Edirne’s political-administrative status, we can argue vakaas MustafaII and his sheikh al-Islam Feyzullah Efendi decided to design Edirne as thepayitaht capital of the State as seen from their dialogues and architectural projectsafter thel s; however, it seems as if the incident stopped this process.

The findings of this study demonstrate that the natural and social disastersrecorded in the sources, such as fires, flood, and “moral corruption:

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